Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
he Personal and the Political:
he Cinema of Nanni Moretti
From the post-Second World War years up until the 1980s, collective preoccupations in Italy were consistently expressed through cinematic means:
beginning with neo-realism, through the auteur cinema of Visconti, Bertolucci, and the cinema politico of Francesco Rosi, up to the later ilms of
Pasolini, Italian cinema was informed by the Gramscian vision of a culture
responsible for social and political change.1 he camera, like the written
word, was used as a tool for the comprehension and interpretation of the
socio-political present, as well as a form of critique of established powers,
being political or economical.
However, ater the loss of a common ideological denominator and
the crumbling of a shared faith in a political project, Italian auteur cinema
experienced a creative crisis in the ‘80s, when faced with the necessity
to re-invent its role within society. he onset of the post-ideological era
revealed the limits and contradictions of ‘cinema “ideologico”’:2 in an era
of relinquishment of grands récits era, the political and critical discursive
strategies of the past have been rendered inadequate; rather than aspiring
to the imposition of unifying teleological meaning, postmodernity requires
the construction of new discourses that acknowledge the complexity and
contradictions of contemporary society.
It is under these circumstances that Nanni Moretti appears on the
scene in the late 1970s, and very quickly becomes a dominant igure in
Italian cinema. According to Gian Piero Brunetta, his success lied in his
insightful choice of subject – ‘promuove semplicemente al centro della
scena una condizione giovanile, una cultura “altra” non alternativa e non
antagonistica […] un mondo inora […] ignorato’.3 However, Moretti’s rise
to fame and his success with the Italian public is far too widespread to be
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explained merely through his focus on the generational frustrations of post1968 middle-class youth. Moretti’s success lies more in his approach rather
than his subject, and it is linked to his ability to accommodate the notion
of impegno in a cinema that, both in thematic and stylistic terms, shares
many features with postmodernist aesthetics. As a matter of fact, some
of the most explicitly political Italian ilms of recent years, like Moretti’s
Palombella rossa (1989) or Il caimano (2006), or the more recent Il divo
(2008) by Paolo Sorrentino, constitute eloquent examples of a reconciliation between acute socio-political criticism, and an aesthetic of irony, pastiche, and meta-cinematic playfulness.
Nanni Moretti and Impegno
Distinctly unique within the European context, ilms like Palombella rossa
or Aprile (1996) have been labelled by some critics as straightforward example of post-modern cinematography.4 However, this sort of critical pigeonholing needs to be understood and framed according to the speciicity of
the Italian cultural context. he relationship between arts and politics in
recent decades, in fact has been marked by the interplay between elements
of continuity with the ideological phases of the post-Second World War
period (sustained by an intrinsic cultural and social conservatism of the
Italian cultural and political spheres), and the emergence of a more fragmented, thoroughly postmodern epistemology and aesthetics, induced by
historical and economical global changes, also attached to an intergenerational turnover.
In general terms, Moretti retains some of the characteristics of the
engagé intellectual of the past, and his background bears some elements of
homogeneity with the Marxist intellectual sphere of the 1950s and 1960s.
Even though he never registered with the Italian Communist Party (PCI),
he actively participated in letist extra-parliamentary groups, and he has
more than once expressed his grievances towards the administration of the
PCI.5 He is relentlessly present inside his cinematic work, as writer, director,
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191
protagonist, and eventually producer of his ilms, as well as outside – one
of the most sought ater social commentators of the Italian cultural ield,
and, at least intermittently, an active, impegnato, citizen, as evinced in the
2002 girotondi afair.6
In this manner, Moretti has been constantly a thorn in the side of
the processes of socio-political self-analysis of the let, with a particularly
acute capacity to foresee its changes and crises. Guido Bonsaver has correctly baptised Moretti ‘the egocentric Cassandra of the Let’, given that his
ilms have coincided with, or even anticipated, some of the most important
events of recent Italian history:
Palombella rossa (1989), for example, was distributed only two months before the
fall of the Berlin wall and the subsequent crisis of Italian communism. Moretti was
also producer and protagonist of [Daniele Lucchetti’s] Il portaborse (1991), which
caused a heated discussion about corruption in party politics with particular reference to [Bettino] Craxi’s Socialist party. Less than a year later, Milanese magistrates
were to bring the matter into the spotlight, oddly enough through a confession from
a socialist politician.7
His ability to act as a timely cultural probe is also testiied by Sogni d’oro
(1981), in which he spoofs the crass banality of television programmes
well before the domination of Berlusconi’s commercial television channels
plagued Italian culture and language. Moretti was also extremely prompt
in engaging with the crumbling of the PCI with the much praised documentary La cosa (1989), while in Aprile (1998) he exploited a personal
event, the birth of his son, to celebrate the long-awaited victory of the let
at the 1996 general election, but also engaging with the anthropological
transformation of the Italian political scene in a crucial moment of its selfredeinition, and touching upon the limitations of the new Democratic
Party of the Let (PDS), in particular its loss of vitality and initiative, both
traded for the vote of the moderate electorate, which has become more
and more evident in recent years.
In a general sense, Moretti sees his cinema more as an epistemological
instrument than as a tool for public criticism and denunciation: ‘Non voglio
avere una missione nei confronti dello spettatore, diido dei registi che con
i loro ilm vogliono cambiare la testa delle persone, ho fatto questo ilm
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Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
[Aprile] prima di tutto per ricordare a me stesso alcune cose, per capire’.8
He does not provide straightforward diagnoses and solutions, but uses his
work as a probe into his social context, revealing its contradictions and
insuiciencies. Rather than aiming at straightforward forms of denuncia,
both in his ilms as well as in his political interventions, Moretti’s discourse
tend to verbalize common, horizontal concerns.9 He privileges, and his
characters embody, the position of the ordinary cittadino rather than that
of the organic intellectual. he various Micheles featuring in his ilms, all
played by Moretti himself, do not assume the point of view of authority,
nor they try to construct their argument or model their actions based on
some general ideological assumptions, but, instead, they are in constant
search for a language that could express common matter of interest and
socio-political preoccupations. We could say that Moretti and his characters, act as catalysers for a speciic ‘constituency’,10 embodying (we could
say somatizing) the malessere of a given social, political and intellectual
group. Moretti’s narrative strategies do not, of course, leave out explicit
social criticism of ethical nature: in Aprile, for instance, the scene of the
wreck of a ship carrying Albanian immigrants (sunk by mistake by the
Italian navy) is a bitter denunciation of the silence with which let-wing
politicians avoided discussion of this controversial tragedy.
What changes in a post-ideological context is the point of view of
the critical cittadino (but also of the committed intellectual), and of his/
her approach, which now obey the laws of contingency rather those of
a well-deined project, and is apportioned in fragments of reformist or
emancipatory thrusts. A new form of personal involvement (indeed of
commitment) also becomes necessary: no critical formulation can be construed from an external, ideologically puriied point of view, but it has to
be internally structured, as in Moretti’s case, through ironic self-criticism
directed towards the vocabulary and the idiosyncrasies of a certain social
class or political group or constituency. he famous slogan of Palombella
rossa (‘siamo diversi ma siamo uguali’) should be read accordingly: from
one viewpoint, it meant the reclaiming of the capacity of the PCI to lead
the country, a capacity it had been denied due to a series of historical circumstances; on the other hand, it lags the impossibility by any political
position to pull out from the dominant socio-political system, by claiming
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193
a radical critical distance. he end of ideology and the emergence of a
systemic co-dependency of historical, political and economical processes
rendered quite unviable (if not critically self-defeating) any demands for
separateness, or any form of ‘externalization’. To understand and face contemporary reality it is necessary, most of all, to rid oneself of one’s claim
to diference and to produce a relexive criticism (very much in Bourdieu’s
sense). Critical involvement is a necessary precondition for any meaningful
political, social or ethical analysis.
Hence, the existential implication is always present in Moretti; he does
not speak from the vantage point of an ‘external’ moral position, ideologically puriied and in dialectical contraposition to the socio-cultural context
it refers to. His caustic critique is always directed, irst of all, towards himself,
towards his own constituency, towards the vast cultural archipelago of the
Italian let, which is also the public of reference for Moretti. Speciically,
Moretti speaks from the point of view of a letist, aluent, emblematically
Roman middle-class, to which he belongs, and which has strongly contributed in shaping the course of politics and cultural discussions over the
last few decades in Italy.
Another element of departure from the typical rhetoric of the organic
intellectuals of the 1960s is Moretti’s avoidance of apocalyptic undertones
when discussing the transformation of the cultural and social context in
Italy. Instead of rejecting mass culture, he foregrounds, through irony, some
of its internal articulations and paradoxical tendencies. Nor does he adopt
the implicit Adornism still in use in letist intellectual circles, which hurls
indiscriminate accusations at the cultural industry; rather, he has immersed
himself completely into the formal and material mechanisms of the cultural
industry in order to develop and introduce new expressive elements but
also to provide wider and more efective distribution and circulation to his,
and other directors’, movies.11 Moretti’s critique of the let is in fact both
political and aesthetic, and it was provoked or generated by the need for a
new cinematic language that could have some resonance with the contemporary public, rather than being the carrier of a critical and political agenda
which eventually fostered conformity, ideological cliché, repetition, and
the inability to read the social reality critically and efectively:
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Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
L’area della sinistra extraparlamentare, di cui in quel periodo facevo parte, si era
posta il compito di rinnovare il marxismo in tutti i campi, ma un settore in cui non
si stavano facendo passi avanti ma indietro era quello della cultura, dello spettacolo.
C’era una concezione molto stalinista, un modo molto contenutista di fare critica, di
vedere i ilm. Erano gli anni in cui a proposito dei ‘ilm d’impegno’ di Rosi, Damiani,
Petri, Vancini, volendo criticarli, non si diceva che erano brutti e non riusciti, non si
parlava della sceneggiatura o della recitazione, spesso tradizionale, degli attori, o del
linguaggio cinematograico simile ai ilm di routine, o del rapporto molto viscerale
con lo spettatore. No, si accusavano questi registi di non aver letto Marx, di non aver
letto Lenin. Si diceva: questo regista ha la linea sbagliata, È un regista revisionista.
L’ideale dell’estrema sinistra di quegli anni era la riproposizione del già visto, del già
conosciuto. Ad un ilm si chiedeva non di porre interrogativi o suscitare dubbi, ma la
notiicazione delle proprie certezze.12
Contingency, Irony, Solidarity: A Rortyan Moretti?
Jennifer Burns in her Fragments of Impegno, claims that postmodern Italian
literary production presents ‘a more contemporary sense of responsibility’,
an impegno that is ‘difused’,13 less vociferous, willingly contradictory and
self-questioning. his resonates with Linda Hutcheon’s view of postmodernism as a cultural phenomenon that is not only inherently imbued with
contradictions, but that ‘foregrounds them to such an extent that they
become the very deining characteristics of the entire cultural phenomenon
we label with that name’.14 Very much similarly, Moretti’s sense of responsibility is tied to his understanding of the mechanisms of an increasingly
complex social reality, one that could be accounted for and questioned
by adopting a critical approach that is less ideological, less regimented by
abstract formulas or theories, but is, instead, ironic, and allows the contradictory nature of its fabrics to emerge. Moretti’s criticism, far from being
an expressly straightforward manifestation of engagement, is perplexed,
self-doubting and contingent.
In particular, the type of ‘perplexed’ impegno featuring in his ouvre is
largely accomplished through the ironic treatment of the protagonists. It
is embodied, for instance, by Michele, the amnesiac communist politician
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195
of Palombella rossa, or by Nanni, the confused director of a documentary
in-the-making in Aprile:
con questo documentario io voglio dire quello che penso, senza però provocare gli
spettatori di destra, che proprio non mi interessa, senza nemmeno volerli convincere
– non voglio convincere nessuno. Però senza nemmeno coccolare gli spettatori di
sinistra però voglio dire quello che penso e come si fa in un documentario e soprattutto: cosa penso?
Anna Mazierska and Laura Rascaroli have thoroughly explored this issue in
their remarkable volume on Moretti. According to them, the type of irony
Moretti employs follows a trajectory from nihilistic cruel negativism to
one gradually approaching Richard Rorty’s discourse on the liberal ironist.
Rorty ‘absolves’ philosophical thinking of such teleological notions as truth,
and substitutes progress through argumentation with re-description, thus
taking its distance from the modern philosophical project (approaching
a post-hegemonic conception of philosophy). Rorty’s account introduces
the elements of contingency and historicity into philosophical pursuits,
without, however, stripping them of their sense of commitment. hus,
Rorty demands of the intellectual the exercise of irony: ironists are those
who are ‘always aware that the terms in which they describe themselves
are subject to change, always aware of the contingency and fragility of
their inal vocabulary, and thus of their selves.’15 Rorty’s philosophical
programme could be mapped on Moretti’s cinematic project, in which
his acknowledgement of contingency and his availability for constant redescription overspill into all areas of life: the social, the political, the private,
the linguistic, the aesthetic. Primarily, however, it afects the deinition of
Moretti’s own subjectivity, a re-description of the ego efectuated through
self-irony, a satire directed towards the self:
Sono di sinistra e quello che mi interessa è ironizzare sulla sinistra […] trovo che sia
più utile prendere in giro me stesso, i miei amici, il mio ambiente e tutto quello che
credo rappresenti il futuro.16
ironia e distanza sono obbligatorie: quando si parla di se stessi se ci si prende troppo
sul serio si rischia di diventare ridicoli.17
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he multiplicity of the authorial igure (writer-director-personaggio) and
the coincidence of the man (author) and the character (actor) imply an
equal dispersion of the exercise of self-irony, that can function on many
levels: it emanates from the man behind the camera and is addressed to the
character in front of it, thus back to its author, as another manifestation
of the same subjectivity. he letter in Ecce bombo (1978) (‘Tu dici che sei
autoironico ma in realtà non è vero afatto, la tua cosiddetta autoironia
è un modo per strozzare ancora di più il tuo stato d’animo’) or the selfproclaimed inability of Nanni the director to write dialogues for female
characters in Sogni d’oro, are instances of self-irony aimed at the psychological, professional and ideological facets of the same subjectivity. his
ironic self-doubting also structure the making of the ilm in formal sense:
in Aprile, Nanni is debating whether to go through with the shooting of
the documentary on the concurrent elections, or to follow his instinctual
desire to shoot a musical about a Trozskist pastry chef. he closing scene
of the ilm introduces a contradiction: the inal ilmic product, Aprile,
is the opposite of what its content claims to be. Inside the ilmic world,
Nanni gives up on the documentary and shoots the musical, but in reality
what the viewer is presented with, Aprile, is a postmodern ‘documentary’
on contemporary Italy. A documentary generated through contradiction
and irony, and iltered through a subjectivity that does not claim to have
a privileged perspective of reality.18
As a matter of fact, one of the novelties in Moretti’s form of engagement with the political is that he constantly subverts his claim to authority. Moretti insists on placing his protagonist(s) in the vestiges of people
with authority – whether academic (the teacher in Bianca, 1983), political
(Palombella rossa), or moral (the priest in La messa è inita, 1985) – and
invariably portraying them as unable to manage that authority and its
implications.
Moretti’s characters are consistently constructed as unsure, confused
and prone to failure in their private and professional life, characters whose
authority is as rigorously asserted as it is subverted through irony. Like
Rorty’s liberal ironist, Moretti employs irony to attempt to resolve the
problem of retaining his sense of impegno without making any claims to
authority. In Aprile, the reciting of the letters he wrote to politicians or
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197
fellow activists but never sent is intended as a criticism of the Italian let,
but that criticism is undercut by the location (Speaker’s Corner in Hyde
Park, London). Not only does he fail to address the presumed recipients,
but he leaves the country, so that his enunciation amounts to its own negation, as his represented audience is bound to neither understand his speech
nor its national context. In Aprile again, while in Puglia at the site where
the Albanian ship sank killing its passengers, and faced with the absence
and silence of Italian politicians, Nanni declares, indignant, to one of his
crew members: ‘negli anni Settanta tutti i giovani comunisti italiani stavano tutti i pomeriggi davanti al televisore a guardare Happy Days, Fonzie,
questa è la loro formazione politica’. Moretti, the director, then has Angelo
Barbagallo, his co-producer, rejecting Nanni’s opinion as nonsensical: ‘ma
Nanni, questo che c’entra? Questo non c’entra niente!’
Nanni personaggio’s alternation of narcissistic claims to authority are
subsequently subverted by Moretti director, in a process of self-subversion;
this marks Moretti’s postmodern approach to engaged cinema, precisely
because it acknowledges the contradiction inherent in wanting to undermine authority while avoiding assuming a position of authority. his entire
process is efectuated through and centred on an individual and his quotidian life, in what amounts to a unique discourse on postmodern politics: a
desire for criticism and analysis as tools for political action as well as selfknowledge and re-description.
‘Dì qualcosa di sinistra’:
he Shaping of a New Political Idiom
As Mazierska and Rascaroli pointed out, in Moretti’s ilms ‘doing politics
in post-ideological Italy is seen as a process of inventing a new vocabulary,
which is an activity of re-description, akin to Gramsci’s “fundamentally
contingent, fundamentally open-ended” conception of politics as production’.19 In Moretti’s obsession with language we ind another common
denominator between his work and that of the organic intellectuals of the
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1960s and 1970s, although not so much in the sense professed by the neoavanguardia with its need to destabilize meaning in order to subvert the
linguistic conformity imposed by neo-capitalism; but rather, in the need
for some sort of linguistic and conceptual ‘hygiene’, so that the vocabulary
one uses may serve as a meaningful instrument that corresponds to some
form of existential and social authenticity.
Moretti’s preoccupation with the use of language is pervasive in all his
work, but particularly pronounced in Palombella rossa. Roberto De Gaetano
traces the locus of this Morettian theme in the concept of the cliché (‘la
parola come cristallizzazione e sclerotizzazione del senso’).20 According to
De Gaetano, it is towards the cliché and the (im)possibility of producing an
original discourse that Moretti’s indignation is directed. Essentially, what
the critic intends as cliché is the detachment between meaning and linguistic enunciation, as, for example, in the case of new (imported) linguistic
forms whose meaning is elusive, thus supericial and ultimately irrelevant
(the journalist’s ‘trend negativo’ in Palombella rossa); or old linguistic forms
whose meaning has been rendered obsolete because their referents are no
longer object of authentic interests (the sterile speech of the political let).
If we take De Gaetano’s idea of the cliché and interpret it as the linguistic
residue of communist ideology, a residue that has been stripped of its noema
because the ideology it refers to has been compromised, then Moretti is
essentially condemning the Italian let for not being able to move past its old
metaphors. When Nanni pleads with D’Alema (‘dì qualcosa di sinistra!’, in
Aprile), when Michele turns his stereotypical political discourse into a song
by Battiato (Palombella rossa), behind those enunciations lies a criticism
of a let that insists on recycling the same discourses that, now deprived of
their Marxist pivotal point, can only refer back to themselves, thus evading any efective relevance with an ever more complex postmodern reality.
he consequent failure of the let’s allegedly reformist political agenda,
produces, eventually, a form of disengagement with the social. In this way,
language and ideology become instruments to hide rather than to reveal
the intrinsic fabric of social reality, and its problems and contradictions.
Retrospectively Moretti’s concern has emerged even more necessary and
urgent in the light of the strategy used by the political right which speaks
the language of media supericiality, crass qualunquismo and pseudo-neo-
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199
liberalism, and has managed to ‘impose its new vocabulary […], while the
let is struggling to come out of old metaphors but has not yet been able
to replace them with new, efective ones’.21
his does not imply a lack of faith in the role of language on the part
of Moretti. On the contrary, his attachment to a language that is functional
and meaningful is one of the central motifs of his oeuvre (‘le parole sono
importanti!’). His insistence on continuity between linguistic and moral/
social behaviour (‘chi parla male pensa male e vive male’) focus on the exasperation with the inability of the let, now in crisis in a post-communist
era, to escape its obsolete discourses and to create a new, more relevant
vocabulary that would not be supericial or hollow, although at the same
time pleading for some sort of linguistic/social re-invention.
Moretti’s search for an original vocabulary is efectuated through a
play between author and character: while Michele-Nanni is essentially
presented as a postmodern fragmented subjectivity, confused and disillusioned, Moretti the director has been a constant fount of original expressions, enunciated through the very character that he has regularly depicted
as ‘inept’. Many of his expressions (‘Continuiamo così, facciamoci del
male’; ‘ve lo meritate Alberto Sordi’; ‘siamo uguali ma siamo diversi’; ‘dì
qualcosa di sinistra’) have been adopted by the Italian public and used in
political discourses, and their longevity – some are more than twenty years
old – relects their capacity to cement a feeling of collective belonging, to
be ‘politically incisive precisely because [they ofer] to the moderate and
liberal let-wing community new ways of describing itself ’ (even in negative
or critical terms).22 heir efectiveness, it seems, is the result of an approach
that is sensitive to the fundamental characteristics of postmodernity but
that has not dispelled the need for political engagement.
Palombella rossa emblematically encapsulates the need to communicate and to ind new words that could reconstruct the lost memory of the
individual as a synecdoche of the collective, as well as the need to overcome
the vacuity of political discourses with a renewed desire for new political
elements and a new community. In one of the crucial moments at the end
of the ilm, Michele Apicella the letist parliamentary, in front of a (turned
of ) television camera, interrupts his vacuous political babbling and starts
singing a song by Franco Battiato, E ti vengo a cercare, while the camera
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inexplicably starts recording. We suddenly cut to ind Michele in the swimming pool while the spectators, like a choir, join in by singing this new
popular hymn: ‘questo sentimento popolare, nato da meccaniche divine,
mi spinge ad essere migliore con più volontà’. As Mazierska and Rascaroli
emphasise: ‘Moretti suggests that popular culture is better able to speak
to the people than conventional political discourse’,23 which latter has
instead become crystallised in stereotypical formulae, which in fact could
be listed in a Bignami book, that is, the (spoof ) pocket companion to the
PCI, compulsively consulted by the reporter (Mariella Valentini).
he Personal and the Political
One of the typical remarks addressed by critics and other ilmmakers
against contemporary Italian cinema is its tendency to moving away from
the political in favour of the domestic. Giuliano Montaldo, for instance,
stated that in today cinema: ‘l’elemento politico è poco presente perché si
concentra soprattutto su storie minime, sull’intimità dei personaggi, sulla
famiglia, tra le pareti di casa, come abbiamo visto fare a Moretti, Muccino,
Ozpetek’.24 We would argue that the dialectical relationship between the
private and the political in Moretti is more complex than what Montaldo
assumes, even before Il Caimano. he constant political thread that runs
through Moretti’s work is in fact inextricably mixed with the intimist, and
it would be supericial to mistake the latter as an overwhelming force over
the former.25 Moretti’s treatment of the private-public binary is one of the
elements that evince his idiosyncratic postmodernist approach: the protagonist of each ilm, Apicella-Nanni, acts as the centripetal force through
which the socio-political and ideological implications of the outside world
are processed.
It is fair to acknowledge that the ‘ambiguous juxtaposition of the two
selves’ in Moretti’s ilms – the real person on one side and the protagonist
of his movies on the other, and the fact that ‘the two have oten been taken
as one’ – somehow impeded a fair reception of this crucial element of
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201
his work, as Bonsaver has pointed out, because what has been lost is ‘the
vital element of self-parody’ by ‘over-inlating the narcissism implicit in
such obsessive self-referentiality’.26 However, the knee-jerk critical reaction
against the allegedly arrogant narcissism of the character/director could
be simply accounted for by the fact that much of the letist constituency,
to whom many of these ilms are addressed, found itself mirrored in the
Moretti/Apicella’s persona and hysterical narcissism. It is not by chance
that in reference to Caro diario (1994), Moretti comments: ‘mi è stato
“spiegato” che si trattava di un ilm in cui, benché dessi l’impressione di
parlare maggiormente di me, parlavo in realtà di più degli altri rispetto al
passato’.27
As a matter of fact, the integration, as well as the dieresis, between the
political and the personal is a problem that Moretti has been trying to deal
with since his earliest works, producing his own caustically ironic rendering of the famous feminist formula ‘the private is the political’. In his very
irst short ilm, La sconitta (1973), Moretti portrays a young member of
an extra-parliamentary group that is encouraged to ind in active political
engagement ‘l’occasione adatta per sanare i dissidi non solo appartenenti
alla sfera pubblica, ma anche a quella privata’, obviously inding himself
eventually ‘sconitto’. hrough the parallel montage between public events
(the national demonstration of factory workers) and a young man’s everyday ritual (waking up, washing up, watching Rischiatutto or listening
to Tutto il calcio minuto per minuto), Moretti explores the socio-cultural
contradictions of a generation that, already in the 1970s, was in a state of
cultural and sociological transformation.
An emblematic clip from La sconitta will be used by Moretti as a
memory lash-back in Palombella rossa: in the conversation between the
protagonist and the leader of a letist revolutionary group, the egotism and
indiference lurking under the apparent social commitment of the former
is paralleled to the vacuous and abstract hyper-ideological babbling of the
latter, signalling the failing of any possible dialogue between the two.28 he
ideological rigidity, either verbalized through vacuous mythologies and
inefectual, cliché formulations, or embodied by the increasing bureaucratization of the letist parties, is paralleled by an intense egotism and personal
narcissism, personiied by the young Michele, and both are represented by
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Moretti as the two sides of the same social coin. Against these polarised
attitudes that represent the disjointed, schizophrenic transformation of
Italian letist culture, Moretti opposed his caustic characters, whose sense of
engagement is wrapped in a call for strong morality. his kind of engagement
that is personal before being collective, takes the shape of idiosyncratic but
genuine ‘passions’, ‘emotions’ and ‘anger’.29 he indignation, the passionate
antagonism, the pleading for rigour and morality on the part of Michele
Apicella is particularly expressed by a constant need for successful communication with others: both Bianca and La messa è inita, according to
Moretti, are examples of this desire for mutual positive dependency.30
As a matter of fact, Bianca could also be read as an apologue about
the dangers of ‘relationship maximalism’: the prescription of total moral
and existential loyalty is taken to the extreme, negating and suppressing
the diferential space between oneself and the others. In the vestiges of
a monomaniacal request for loyalty is implicit the inexorability of punishment and exclusion, the incapacity to forgive others’ weaknesses and
limits, eventually condemning oneself to radical sterility: ‘è triste morire
senza igli’, is Michele’s inal sentence before he is taken to prison. Bianca
can be then interpreted as a political metaphor, where the internal sufering, the pathological-psychoanalytical turmoil of the protagonist, mirrors
the idealistic and maximalist mind that cannot accept the deterioration
of the basic social structures inside which he grew up (the school or the
nuclear family), and his only possible reaction is radical refusal which is
totally self-defeating.
In a similar metaphorical manner, the scene in Palombella rossa where
Michele shouts: ‘I pomeriggi di maggio non torneranno più, le merendine
di una volta non torneranno più’ (citing the famous Fellinian ‘ti ricordi’
in 8½), should not be taken as simply the hysterical outburst of a narcissistic man-child, but as a self-parody directed towards an entire constituency, and towards the typical attitude of letist intellectuals ixed on their
nostalgic past. Unable to imagine a diferent future, they constantly yearn
for the mythical past they have lost, in which revolutionary forces and
utopian aspiration were visible, healthy and rampant (despite the fact that
even in that historical context, there were ‘apocalyptic’ intellectuals who
were shouting the same nostalgic cry for their own self-mythologized past,
he Personal and the Political: he Cinema of Nanni Moretti
203
Pasolini in primis). he self-parodic tone is efective because it is presented
through the personal story of an infantilised protagonist, who embodies
the infantilization of an entire generation.
Palombella rossa seems entirely built on the assumption that ultimately
the political is the projection of the personal, and not the other way round.
It is inside dubious individual psychological mechanisms and personal ethical hypocrisy that the political crisis of the past years can be discerned and
explained. he ideological radicalism of many, for example, is the product
of a lack of moral fabric:
Quelli che sono stati i più violenti, con il passare degli anni diventano i più cinici. […]
quando i dogmi crollano, quelli che sono stati i più dogmatici e che hanno creduto
di più nei paesi dell’Est, sono forse quelli che, dopo un momento di panico, si ritrovano più a proprio agio nell’esistente – non riesco a trovare una espressione migliore
di questa – perché per loro c’erano solo i dogmi e l’esistente.31
he fact that many intellectuals or politicians of Moretti’s generation moved
in the blink of an eye from one extreme to its opposite bares testimony to
this phenomenon. On the contrary, those who, like Moretti, ‘erano meno
dogmatici, vivono il crollo delle certezze senza angoscia. Tentano di conservare un atteggiamento critico nei confronti dell’esistente’.32
Low-key Postmodernism
Critics have noticed the lack of stylistic and cinematic analysis vis-à-vis
the overemphasis on the political content of Moretti’s movies, bearing
testimony to the topicality of his ilms for the intellectual let, as well as
of the impact that his productions had on the Italian cultural scene. Some
consideration of Moretti’s style and cinematic technique is required in order
to establish the presence of a distinctly postmodernist vein in his oeuvre.
A relatively conspicuous characteristic to note in Morettian cinema is
the mixing of high and low cultural references, a typical aesthetic attitude
of postmodern sensibility: a liturgical homage to Pasolini is mixed with
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Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
a cameo of American movie star Jennifer Beals; soundtracks range from
Keith Jarret to Jovannotti; James Joyce is juxtaposed to he Bold and the
Beautiful; Franco Battiato and Bruce Springsteen’s songs are placed side
by side in political speeches and used as a showcase to articulate forms of
political and ethical commitment.33 A constant meta-cinematic component
is also present in Moretti’s cinema, oten in the form of parody (without
becoming an obsession à la Tarantino). In one of Moretti’s early shorts,
Come parli rate? (1974), he revisited, with a parodic mood, Alessandro
Manzoni’s I promessi sposi. In his irst feature ilm, Io sono un autarchico
(1976), as De Bernardinis pointed out, ‘il Western, il Fantastico, il Musical, tutto il cinema di genere patrimonio del medio comune spettatore è
convocato in quello che ormai si conigura come un vero e proprio ilm
nel ilm’.34 here is also a plethora of references to Fellini’s movies, starting from the obvious parallelism between Sogni d’oro and Otto e mezzo,
up to the last sequences of Palombella rossa,35 or Aprile, where Moretti
borrows for his musical the tune from a scene from La dolce vita. In this
inter-ilmic dialogue with Fellini, in particular Sogni d’oro highlights the
typical mannerism of postmodern aesthetics, through its meta-cinematic,
self-referential structure. It is surely no coincidence, that the ilm won the
Golden Lion at Venice in 1981, when the president of the jury was an Italo
Calvino who had, just two years earlier, published Se una notte d’inverno
un viaggiatore (1979), a novel that would become the manifesto of postmodern aesthetics at global level.
Moretti’s irony as ‘cruelty’ towards the self – discussed earlier in thematic terms – is also related to cinematic technique, part of what critics
have labelled rigore morettiano,36 which is brought forth by devices such
as the unusual use of ixed camera, manipulation of of-screen space and
unconventional editing, challenging conventional ilm-making. In his early
ilms (Io sono un autarchico, Ecce bombo, Sogni d’oro), Moretti’s deliberate
use of ixed camera and internal editing has, according to the French critic
Jean-Paul Fergier, Baudrillardian connotations in its claustrophobic, selfsuicient ilmic image, evading the invocation of of-screen space; as Fergier
comments about Ecce bombo: ‘È un ilm che utilizza meravigliosamente il
fuori campo cinematograico per raccontare la ine del fuori campo sociale.
E quindi, poichè tutto è sociale, la ine del sociale stesso per saturazione e
he Personal and the Political: he Cinema of Nanni Moretti
205
implosione’.37 Moretti’s also minimises ornamental, redundant movements
of the camera, opting, ‘per reazione’,38 for the use of the ixed camera. In
this choice, one could read an implicit political statement, in the desire
for a ixed point-of-view, even if that point of view is that of a questioning
gaze.39 his questioning gaze is actually presented through the challenging
of temporal and spatial categories, like in the case of the unconventional,
fragmented temporality of a movie like Palombella rossa, or the interlinked,
recurring elements found throughout Moretti’s oeuvre, which render every
ilm the ‘chapter of a wider autobiographical discourse,’ rather than an
independent work of iction.40
Another stylistic postmodernist element which is relatively constant
in Moretti’s oeuvre is what has been branded by Bonsaver as ‘low-key surrealism’.41 he famous scene in Bianca when the protagonist wakes up in
the middle of the night and starts eating from a gigantic jar of nutella has
become almost proverbial among Italians; in Palombella rossa, the spectators of the water-polo match walk hypnotised to a television screen to
watch Doctor Zhivago; in Aprile he wraps himself up in gigantic collage
of newspapers articles; in the irst episode of Caro diario, ‘In Vespa’, while
meandering with his iconic moped in a torrid August aternoon in an
almost totally deserted Rome, he bumps into a crowd dancing salsa in full
daylight. Moretti comments of this scene:
Inizialmente, la scena in cui incontravo la gente che ballava il merengue doveva
svolgersi al chiuso, la sera […] Interno notte quindi, e senza Vespa. Esiste una logica
della sceneggiatura, ma esiste una logica delle immagini. Sarebbe stato assurdo utilizzare un artiicio narrativo per arrivare in dentro al locale, dal momento che tutto
il capitolo ruotava intorno alle mie passeggiate in Vespa. È illogico vedere gente che
balla per strada d’agosto, sotto il sole, ma quando si vede il ilm, sembra logico e va
bene così.42
In general terms, this element of surrealism could be framed within the afore
mentioned tribute to Fellini’s work that Moretti has expressed throughout his oeuvre. However, in Moretti, the particularity of the surrealist
elements inserted in his ilm consists in the fact that they are presented in
realistic terms. here is hardly any change in cinematic technique, in terms
of the soundtrack or camera use. Moretti’s cinematic style – simple, non-
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Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
ornamental, secco – is retained in the surreal scenes. His favourite oneiric
device of the dancing couples, inserted in many of his irst ilms (Ecce bombo,
La messa è inite) to signal the protagonist’s desire for communication, is
not followed by a change in representation. In Caro diario, indignant at
a ilm critic’s nonsense writing, Nanni suddenly appears at his house and
reads his reviews back to him while the critic cringes in despair, but the
scene is in no way introduced as a fantasy event. he ontological status of
the last scene of Aprile can also be contested if we consider its oneiric atmosphere: Nanni is still in his winter cape, and a hypnotised crew is swinging
rhythmically to the music. Are they inally shooting the director’s much
coveted musical or if are we witnessing one of his fantasies?
he insertion of ‘low-key surrealism’ becomes particularly signiicant
if we consider the long debates in Marxist cinematic circles regarding the
importance of realistic depiction and its relationship to ideology: does
realistic representation evade or strengthen dominant ideologies? According to Kristin hompson it depends on the main aesthetic co-ordinates
of a given period:
[realism] has the ability to be radical and defamiliarizing if the main artistic styles of
the time are highly abstract and have become automatized […] Realisms, then, come
and go in the same sorts of cycles that characterize the history of other styles. Ater
a period of defamiliarization, the traits originally perceived as realistic will become
automatized by repetition, and other, less realistic traits will take their places.43
Accordingly, Moretti challenges the question of realistic representation by
mingling the boundaries between realism and surrealism:
In [Palombella rossa] ci sono diverse scommesse, la prima consiste nel trattare questo
tema in modo non realistico. La cosa più naturale che poteva venirmi in mente era
di scrivere una sceneggiatura realistica, aneddotica, con una visione vittimistica della
vita di un militante del PCI, ovviamente in piena crisi afettiva.44
[volevo] fare qualcosa di più astratto, di più metaforico, di meno realistico, meno
concreto, ma non per questo meno vero. Ero attratto da un ilm che fosse estremo e
vero, ma al tempo stesso molto costruito.45
he Personal and the Political: he Cinema of Nanni Moretti
207
his formal and aesthetic issue bears some relevance in regards to recent
developments in Moretti’s cinema, and its more visible autobiographical
and documentarist vein (from Caro diario to Aprile). On this score Bonsaver underlined the ‘new attitude towards the representation of reality’; ‘a
conversion of Moretti to Rossellini’s ideas of cinematic realism’, to a ‘more
straightforward naturalism’. his is surely true particularly in reference to
La cosa, which came as a surprise in stylistic terms for Moretti, however
one needs to be careful to lump together Moretti’s latest production under
a common aesthetic denominator of docu-iction. First of all, as Alan
O’Leary recently pointed out, we should resist ‘the temptation to see the
autobiographical elements in the ilms as amounting to a portrait of the
man and emphasize their project of the citizen or subject: the constructed
personality that sufers and embodies history rather than the spurious origin
of the situations portrayed’.46 Moreover, the recourse to the notion of realism, neo-realism, naturalism, could be seen as the typical critical relex in
Italian ilm criticism: the concept of realism is oten used as a value rather
than as a descriptive term in the discussion of Italian cinema history and
individual ilms, and the discursive recourse to realism has become criticism’s essential authoritative gesture.47
On the formal level, the presence of footage taken from real television
programmes and inserted within the ictional narrative of the ilm, arguably
does not produce a ‘reality efect’, as Bonsaver contends, but, on the contrary, a radical impression of ‘estrangement’ and of ‘sur-reality’, perceived,
because of this very juxtaposition of ictional ilm and ‘real’ TV, as either
parodic, grotesque or even dramatic. For instance, the spectator is simply
appalled when in Il Caimano, at one point, Berlusconi addresses the European Parliament calling a German MEP a ‘kapò’. It is not only the content
but also the visual discontinuity and the estrangement efect that makes
the episode remarkable: the over-saturation of colours in the TV footage
and the pixilation of the image makes the scene even more grotesque and
in fact surreal. In reference to the opening scene of Aprile, in which Nanni
and his mother are watching Emilio Fede announcing Berlusconi’s victory
at the 1994 general election, Moretti also remembers:
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Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
Molte persone che, la sera delle elezioni [del 1994], avevano guardato in televisione
il discorso ridicolo e appassionato di Emilio Fede, non si ricordavano assolutamente
del tono e del contenuto di quell’intervento. Mi è stato addirittura chiesto se lo avesse
recitato apposta per me, se ero stato io a scrivergli il testo e a farglielo recitare.48
his presumed recourse to ‘reality’ on Moretti’s part, as much in Aprile as
in Il Caimano, actually epitomized and encapsulates a general discourse
on the relationship between reality and representation, particularly in
reference to the media spectacle produced by television: as it has become
a common assumption in media theory and discourses, rather than being
‘realistic’ or conveying a sense of ‘truth’, television is quite the contrary the
great producer of contemporary myths, ictions and phantasmagoria (still
more so in Italy in the Berlusconi era). On this score, one may simply recall
Guy Debord’s almost proverbial formulation in regard to the ‘society of
the spectacle’, in which ‘the true is a moment of the false’.49
On this score, rather than resorting to Michael Moore’s mock-documentary to deine Moretti’s recent production, as Bonsaver does,50 a stark
parallelism could be made between Moretti’s tecnique and the poignant
and highly disturbing juxtaposition of hyperbolically ictional images and
television footage at the end of the celebrated Waltz with Bashir (2008) by
Ari Folman. he almost Tarantinesque, hyperbolic and oneiric atmosphere
of the ilm presented as a documentaristic cartoon is never perceived by the
spectator as historically and epistemically ‘unreal’, and the formal discontinuity with the images of the Sabra and Shatila massacre at the end of the
movie does not shock only because its ‘realistic’ impression (we have been
more than prepared for this inal denouement), but because of its ethical
underpinning: it is indeed this very formal interplay which produces a more
efective act of denunciation about the instantaneous forgetting which
derives by the aesthetic shallowness of much media coverage in contemporary world, and the need to produce remarkable and memorable imagery
to intervene in the collective memory and as an instrument of historical
critique and moral self-questioning.
In this sense, as Mazierska and Rascaroli rightly acknowledged in
their book on Moretti, doing political cinema in a postmodern context
is perhaps less about telling the ‘truth’, and more about ‘constructing a
he Personal and the Political: he Cinema of Nanni Moretti
209
discourse, either through realism or its efacement, which is believed to be
truthful and correct, at least by part of the audience’.51 In the speciically
Italian framework, Moretti is unique in his construction of a discourse
that is politically acute while being sensitive to the implications of a postmodern society and attuned to its linguistic and symbolic codes: ‘uno dei
compiti del cinema [è] quello di raccontare, con i suoi mezzi espressivi, una
realtà che ancora non riusciamo a vedere, oppure, come nel nostro caso,
una realtà che non riusciamo più a vedere’.52
Endnotes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
In the case of neo-realism the Gramscian notion is of course applied retrospectively, but the movement and its political aims has been oten critically lumped
together under this theoretical umbrella.
M.F. Minella, Non riconciliati: Politica e società nel cinema italiano dal neorealismo
a oggi (Milan: UTET Libreria, 2004), viii.
G.P. Brunetta, Il cinema italiano contemporaneo: Da ‘La dolce vita’ a ‘Centochiodi’
(Rome and Bari: Laterza, 2007), 478. his brings to mind one of the key Italian
writers of Moretti’s generation, Pier Vittorio Tondelli, who was instrumental in
representing and culturally mobilising speciic generational urges, providing a
new language for self-expression and self-understanding, and proposing himself
as an example of those ‘fault-lines’ of impegno that Jenny Burns has detected in
the literature of the 1980s. Cf. J. Burns, Fragments of Impegno: Interpretations
of Commitment in Contemporary Italian Narrative 1980–2000 (Leeds: Maney,
2000), 117–36.
‘Moretti is a postmodern ilm-maker, whose work deals with a fragmented world
and relects the kaleidoscopic nature of the many discourses of our society’; E.
Mazierska and L. Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti: Dreams and Diaries
(London and New York: Walllower Press, 2004), XXX.
J.A. Gili, Nanni Moretti (Rome: Gremese, 2001), 71.
For a general account of this event see Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of
Nanni Moretti, 115–18.
G. Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric Cassandra of the Let: Representations of Politics
in the Films of Nanni Moretti’, he Italianist, 20–1 (2001–2), 158.
210
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
Gili, Nanni Moretti, 92.
In reference to the Piazza Navona rally, Mazierska and Rascaroli remember that:
‘the ilmmaker’s public outcry triggered a great upheaval and an animated debate
in the let, and dominated the front pages of most Italian daily newspapers for
the three following days, as well as the news programmes of both public and
private broadcasting services. La Repubblica conducted a survey amongst the
readers of its online version, asking them whether Moretti was ‘right or wrong’,
and collected 95 per cent of replies in agreement with Moretti’s opinion’ (117).
For the use of this term see Alan O’Leary’s essay in this book and in his previous
Tragedia all’italiana. Cinema e terrorismo tra Moro e memoria (Tissi: Angelica,
2007), 165–204.
‘In 1986 he founded his own production company, Sacher Film, ater which
he created his own ilm awards, the Golden Sacher, bought his own cinema in
Rome, the Nuovo Sacher, and has recently created his own distribution company and co-founded a trade union organization, API, Associazione Produttori
Indipendenti’; Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric Cassandra’, 173.
A.M. Mori, ‘Perché no? A 30 anni io e Michele siamo in cerca di normalità’, La
Repubblica, 29 March 1984; quoted in F. De Bernardinis, Nanni Moretti (Milan:
Il Castoro, 1995), 5. Our emphasis.
J. Burns, Fragments of Impegno, 182. Burns actually speaks of an impegno that
‘went underground’, but we contend that in Moretti’s it is more visible than in
other cases.
L. Hutcheon, A Poetics of Postmodernism: History, heory, Fiction (London and
New York: Routledge, 1988), 42–3.
R. Rorty, Contingency, Irony and Solidarity (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1989), 73–4.
In Gili, Nanni Moretti, 11.
In De Bernardinis, Nanni Moretti, 4.
‘Il senso del ilm è forse l’opposto di ciò che si vede e si sente letteralmente […]
in realtà, a modo mio, ho raccontato agli spettatori alcuni anni di questo paese,
e soprattutto ho espresso il mio sentimento su ciò che è stata l’Italia in quegli
anni’; Gili, Nanni Moretti, 91.
Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti, 136. hey quote S. Hall,
he Hard Road to Renewal: hatcherism and the Crisis of the Let (London: Verso
Books, 1988), 169.
R. De Gaetano, La sincope dell’identità (Turin: Lindau, 2002), 41.
Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti, 122.
Ivi, 145. Moretti’s catch phrases also ofer a shared set of cultural reference points
so that the constituency to whom they are addressed, can recognise, reinforce
he Personal and the Political: he Cinema of Nanni Moretti
211
and reproduce itself; to use a Moretti phrase in a speciic social context is to
announce the appartenenza of those present, and to give each a shared sense
of belonging and mutual airmation. We owe this remark to a discussion with
Alan O’Leary.
23 Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti, 140.
24 Minella, Noi riconciliati, 321. Montaldo played the role of the director of the
ilm on Columbus in Il Caimano.
25 Explaining, for example, his claim that he only feels at ease ‘con una minoranza
di persone’ in Caro Diario, Moretti confessed that it is not so much an ideological attitude than an instinctive one, ‘un atteggiamento più personale, non so se
per questo meno politico’; Gili, Nanni Moretti, 85.
26 Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric Cassandra’, 159. For further considerations about this
‘doppio sguardo’ created by the juxtaposition of the role of director and actor, see
M. Sesti, ‘Storia naturale del cinema italiano’, in Facciamoci del male: Il cinema
di Nanni Moretti, ed. P. Ugo and A. Floris (Cagliari: CUEC, 1990), 16–20; see
also M. Marcus, ‘Caro Diario and the Cinematic Body of Nanni Moretti’, Italica,
73.2 (1996), 233–47 (236–7).
27 Gili, Nanni Moretti, 83.
28 On this see Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric Cassandra’, 159–62.
29 Gili, Nanni Moretti, 57–9.
30 Ibid., 64.
31 Ibid., 84.
32 Ibid.
33 his mingling is staged in a absurd battle between the high-brow and the popular
in Moretti’s early ilm Sogni d’oro (1981), the battle is actually staged, manifesting
as a penguin ight between Michele and the director of musicals.
34 De Bernardinis, Nanni Moretti, 18.
35 With regards to Palombella rossa Bonsaver comments: ‘all the characters watch
the raising of a farcical socialist ‘Sol dell’avvenire’, a huge sun propped up by scaffolding. he last words, similarly to Fellini’s 8 e mezzo, are let to the protagonist
as a child who cannot help but laugh at such a grotesque scene’. However ‘the
similarity with Fellini’s ending does not include the positive, self-fulilling emotion of Guido in 8 e mezzo. In La palombella rossa, Michele Apicella is ridiculed
and defeated by a reality that he no longer understands’. Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric
Cassandra’, 166.
36 G. Coco, Nanni Moretti: Cinema come diario (Milan: Mondadori, 2006), 3.
37 Ibid., 14.
38 Ibid., 58.
212
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
Rosa Barotsi and Pierpaolo Antonello
We hear the echo of João Cèsar Monteiro, another director that consistently
employs the use of the ixed camera: ’Se si ilma da due punti diversi è perchè
c’è qualcosa che non va. È necessario avere un punto di vista sulle cose’; cited in
F. Giarrusso et al., João giullare di Dio (Bergamo: Cineforum, 2007), 149.
Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti, 131.
Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric Cassandra’, 174.
Gili, Nanni Moretti, 85.
K. hompson, Breaking the Glass Armor: Neoformalist Film Analysis (Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), 198–9. Su questo discutono anche
Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti, 126–7.
Gili, Nanni Moretti, 69.
Ibid., 7. Our emphasis. For De Bernardinis, Ecce Bombo is a ‘plastico, un modello,
piuttosto che una inestra sulla realtà. […] Si conferma l’assoluta estraneità del
cinema di Moretti a un approccio veristico delle cose: grido di battaglia, invece,
di gran parte della critica favorevole o contraria’; De Bernardinis, Nanni Moretti,
23–4.
A. O’Leary, ‘Review of he Cinema of Nanni Moretti: Dreams and Diaries by Ewa
Mazierska and Laura Rascaroli (2004)’. New Cinemas: Journal of Contemporary
Film, 3/3 (2005), 208–11.
We owe this remark to Alan O’Leary, from his paper presented at the American
Association for Italian Studies (AAIS) Annual Conference in New York, 7–10
May 2009, entitled ‘Against Realism (he Politics of Italian Film Criticism)’.
Gili, Nanni Moretti, 95.
G. Debord, he Society of the Spectacle, trans. by K. Knabb (London: Rebel Press,
1983), 9. Debord also underscored that in this regard Italy is quite an extreme
case on the global level. For him both France and Italy are forerunners of what
he called the ‘integrated spectacle’; cf. G. Debord, Comments on the Society of
Spectacle (1988), Eng. tr. (London: Verso, 1998), 8–9.
Bonsaver, ‘he Egocentric Cassandra’, 179.
Mazierska and Rascaroli, he Cinema of Nanni Moretti, 127. As Moretti stated
regarding Ecce Bombo: ‘Tra le tante cose, è stato scambiato per un ilm sul movimento del ’77, ma non c’entrava niente, era solo un ilm fatto in quel periodo. A me
interessa la realtà, non l’attualità.’ P. D’Agostini and G. Pepe, ‘Sono molto bravo?
Sì, ma soprattutto sono autarchico’, La Repubblica, 19 March 1981; reprinted in
Facciamoci del male: Il cinema di Nanni Moretti, ed. P. Ugo and A. Floris (Cagliari,
CUEC, 1990), 210.
Gili, Nanni Moretti, 118.