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Scoto-Norse Kings and the Reformed Religious Orders: Patterns of Monastic Patronage in Twelfth-Century Galloway and Argyll*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

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Extract

Raoul Glaber, the Burgundian monk and chronicler, noted in a famous passage in his Historiarum Libri Quinque how, about the year 1000,

throughout the whole world, but most especially in Italy and Gaul, men began to reconstruct churches….It was as if the whole world were shaking itself free, shrugging off the burden of the past, and cladding itself everywhere in a white mantle of churches.

Although Glaber was writing primarily of the Continent, the tide of religious revival that followed the coming of the millennium eventually lapped upon the shores of the most distant corners of Europe. In Scotland, the great age of church-building came a century later, and it was the twelfth century, rather than the eleventh, which was notable for the foundation of churches and monasteries on a large scale. Nevertheless, by 1200 Scotland, too, had been cloaked in a white mantle of new churches, made up of cathedrals, parish churches, and monasteries. It is the latter with which this essay will be principally concerned.

The works of Professor Barrow are of the first importance for understanding the patterns of monastic patronage that brought the Benedictines, Cistercians, Augustinians, Premonstratensians, and other religious orders to Scottish soil, and for the contribution these orders made to the medieval kingdom of Scotland.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1995

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Footnotes

*

This paper was first presented at the 28th International Congress on Medieval Studies at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in 1993. It has benefitted from the encouragement of Dr. Keith Stringer and the advice of Dr. Brendan Smith, who saved me from a number of errors.

References

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3 Barrow, G. W. S., Kingship and Unity: Scotland 1000–1306 (Edinburgh, 1984), pp. 7782Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Kingship and Unity] devotes more attention to non-royal patronage than did his essays in Kingdom. Burton, Janet, Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain 1000–1300 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 34–35, 53–54, 7172CrossRefGoogle Scholar [hereafter cited as Monastic and Religious Orders], still focuses primarily on royal patronage when considering the importation of these orders to Scotland.

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17 The Dictionary of National Biography, eds. SirStephen, L. and SirLee, S. (Oxford, 19211922), 18: 823–24Google Scholar (Spottiswoode), and 5: 785–90 (Dempster) [hereafter cited as DNB].

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19 On the problems of dating a religious house bastd upon a foundation charter see Galbraith, V. H., “Monastic Foundation Charters of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” Cambridge Historical Journal 4, 3 (1934): 522Google Scholar.

20 Fawcett, R., Scottish Medieval Churches (Edinburgh, 1985), pp. 3637Google Scholar.

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22 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 1Google Scholar; see also Oram, , “Fergus,” in Galloway: Land and Lordship, pp. 117–30Google Scholar.

23 Chron. Holyrood, p. 137; Vita Ailredi, p. 46. On Fergus in general see Brooke, Fergus, passim.

24 Oram, , “Fergus,” in Galloway: Land and Lordship, pp. 117–22Google Scholar.

25 Early Scottish Charters Prior to A.D. 1153, ed. Lawrie, A. C. (Glasgow, 1905), nos. 109, 125, 126Google Scholar, for Fergus as a witness [hereafter cited as Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters].

26 For the events of 1160–61 see: Citron. Melrose, p. 77, and Chron. Holyrood, p. 139. Brooke, , Fergus, pp. 1415Google Scholar, argues that Fergus played no role in the 1160 revolt. See also Reid, R. C., “The Priory of St. Mary's Isle,” Transactions of the Dumfriesshire and Galloway Natural History and Antiquarian Society [TDGNHAS] 3rd ser. 36 (19571958): 910Google Scholar, on Fergus's retirement.

27 Kirkcudbrightshire,” New Statistical Account of Scotland (London and Edinburgh, 1845), 4: 357–58Google Scholar [hereafter cited as New Stat. Acc.]. This work is composed of contributions on the parishes by local ministers, and although antiquities were usually dealt with ineptly, it should not be ignored: see Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, p. xxvGoogle Scholar.

28 Butler, L. and Given-Wilson, C., Medieval Monasteries of Great Britain (London, 1979), p. 206Google Scholar {cited hereafter as Medieval Monasteries].

29 Chron. Melrose, p. 72; Early Sources of Scottish History A.D. 500–1286, ed. Anderson, A. O. (Edinburgh, 1922; repr. 1990), 2: 204 n.1Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Anderson, Early Sources]. Scott, J. G., “The Origins of Dundrennan and Soulseat Abbeys,” TDGNHAS 3rd ser. 63 (1988): 3544Google Scholar, argues for a date of 1156, but is not convincing. The fact that Dundrennan was colonized from Rievaulx was established by Stringer, K.J., “Galloway and the Abbeys of Rievaulx and Dundrennan,” TDGNHAS 3rd ser. 55 (1980): 175Google Scholar.

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32 Stringer, , “Abbeys of Rievaulx and Dundrennan,” p. 175Google Scholar. See also Christie, A. M., The Abbey of Dundrennan (Glasgow, 1914), p. 34Google Scholar.

33 John of Hexham, Continuation of Symeon of Durham's Historia Regis, in Symeon of Durham, Opera Omnia, ed. Arnold, T. (Rolls Series, London, 18821885), 2: 330Google Scholar. On the value of John's work: Gransden, A., Historical Writing in England c. 550 to c. 1307 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1974), p. 261Google Scholar.

34 Spottiswoode, J., An Account of all the Religious Houses that were in Scotland at the time of the Reformation, in Keith, R., An Historical Catalogue of the Scottish Bishops Down to the Year 1688 (Edinburgh, 1824), p. 417Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Spottiswoode, Account of all the Religious Houses]; New Stat. Acc., 4: 362Google Scholar. See also Janauscheck, L. P., Originum Cisterciencium Tomus I (Vienna, 1870), p. 70Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Originum Cisterciencium].

35 DNB, 5: 789–90. See also Backmund's arguments on Dempster's reliability in Backmund, N., “The Premonstratensian Order in Scotland,” Innes Review 4 (1953): 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cowan and Easson, , MRHS, p. xxii n. 2Google Scholar, remain unconvinced of Dempster's authority, however.

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37 Fuit hic abnepos Fergusii illius qui Dundranense coenobium fundarat; unde error Scoticorum chronicorum colligitur, qui fundatum volunt a S. Davide. ibid, 2: 555.

38 See above all Brooke, Fergus, passim.

39 On David's work reorganizing bishoprics see Donaldson, G., “Scottish Bishops' Sees in the Reign of David I,” Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland [PSAS] 87 (19521953): 106–17Google Scholar. On Fergus and Candida Casa see Robertson, E. W., Scotland Under Her Early Kings (Edinburgh, 1862), 2: 357–58Google Scholar; Donaldson, G., “The Bishops and Priors of Whithorn,” TDGNHAS 3rd ser. 27 (19481949): 127–54Google Scholar; Oram, R. D., “In Obedience and Reverence: Whithom and York c.1128–c.1250,” Innes Review 42 no. 2 (1991): 8390CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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42 See Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, pp. 7879Google Scholar.

43 Wigtonshire,” New Stat. Acc., 4: 82, 87Google Scholar. See also Bulloch, J., Adam of Dryburgh (London, 1958), p. 6Google Scholar. This loch still retains its green hue today.

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58 Dryburgh Liber, p. vi n.3; one list gives Holywood as a foundation of Devorgilla de Balliol but Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, p. 102Google Scholar, reject this as due to confusion with Sweetheart Abbey. No founder can be suggested for Holywood.

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60 Hystoria Fundactionis Prioratus Insule de Traile in Bannalyne Miscellany (Edinburgh, 18271855), 2: 19Google Scholar; Spottiswoode, , Account of all the Religious Houses, p. 389Google Scholar. Lawrie, A. C., ed., Annals of the Reigns of Malcolm and William Kings of Scotland A.D. 1153–1214 (Glasgow, 1910), pp. 6768Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Lawrie, Annals], believed this work to be fabulous.

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92 Ibid. But Chron. Holyrood, pp. 136–37, linked the campaigns of King Malcolm IV in Galloway in 1160 with Fergus's retirement; it is probable that he was forced to withdraw to Holyrood abbey as the cost of his defeat.

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117 See Argyll-Inventory, 4: no. 5 and notes.

118 Scott, J. E., “Saddell Abbey,” Transactions of the Gaelic Society of Inverness 46 (19691970): 114Google Scholar; Steer, and Bannerman, , Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture, p. 45Google Scholar.

119 McKerral, A., “A Chronology of the Abbey and Castle of Saddell, Kintyre,” PSAS 86 (19511952): 115Google Scholar.

120 Brown, A. L., “The Cistercian Abbey of Saddell, Kintyre,” Innes Review 20 (19691970): 130CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

121 Birch, W. de Gray, “On the date of Foundation Ascribed to the Cistercian Abbeys of Great Britain,” Journal of the British Archaeological Association 26 (1870): 361Google Scholar; see also Anderson, , Early Sources, 2: 247Google Scholar.

122 Scotichronicon, 2: 538Google Scholar; Spottiswoode, , Account of all the Religious Houses, p. 422Google Scholar; Janauschek, , Originum Cisterciensium, p. 224Google Scholar; MacDonald, A. and MacDonald, A., Clan Donald, 1: 53, 60, 513–14Google Scholar.

123 Barrett, M., The Scottish Monasteries of Old (Edinburgh, 1913), p. 151Google Scholar; McKerral, , “Chronology…of Saddell,” p. 115Google Scholar. Scott, “Saddell Abbey,” who confuses Raonall the son of Somerled with Ragnvald the king of Man, seems to contradict himself. On p. 117 he suggests that Somerled was the founder while on p. 123 he supposes it was Raonall.

124 Highland Papers, 1: 146–49Google Scholar; RMS, 2: no. 3170. See also Brown, , “Cistercian Abbey of Saddell,” pp. 130–31Google Scholar.

125 Clanranald Book, p. 157.

126 Brown, , “Cistercian Abbey of Saddell,” pp. 131–32Google Scholar. A. and A. MacDonald argued that Somerled must have founded Saddell abbey because he was buried there: Clan Donald, 1: 60, 513–14Google Scholar. But there is no convincing evidence that he was interred there, and it is more likely that he was buried on Iona: see McDonald, R. A., “The Death and Burial of Somerled of Argyll,” West Highland Notes and Queries 2nd ser. 8 (1991): 610Google Scholar.

127 For the conflicts of Somerled with the Scottish king, see McDonald and McLean, “Somerled of Argyll.”

128 New History of Ireland II, ed. Cosgrove, , pp. 38, 5455Google Scholar.

129 Barrow, The Acts of William I, no. 141.

130 Van Der Meer, F., Atlas De l'Ordre Cistercien (Paris and Bruxelles, 1965), p. iv, suggested 1226Google Scholar.

131 Argyll-Inventory, 1: 140–41Google Scholar. Raonall died in 1207 according to the Clanranald Book, p. 157; this date is shown to be erroneous by McEwen, A. B., “The Death of Reginald son of Somerled,” West Highland Notes and Queries 2nd ser. no. 6 (Sept. 1990): 38Google Scholar, who would place his death as late as 1227.

132 Registrum Monasterii de Passelet, ed. Innes, C. (Edinburgh, 1832), p. 125Google Scholar [hereafter cited as Paisley Registrum]. The dating of the charter is uncertain because none of the witnesses can be identified: Grant, , Lordship of the Isles, p. 231, suggested 1180Google Scholar.

133 Paisley Registrum, p. 125.

134 Clan Donald, 1: 522Google Scholar.

135 Paisley Registrum, p. 249.

136 Argyll-Inventory, 4: 143Google Scholar; Steer, and Bannerman, , Late Medieval Monumental Sculpture, p. 208Google Scholar.

137 Gwynn, and Hadcock, , MRHI, pp. 5, 102–09Google Scholar.

138 On John de Courcy's religious foundations in Ireland see Orpen, G. H., Ireland Under the Normans (Oxford, 19111920), 2: 2022Google Scholar.

139 Liber Vitae Ecclesiae Dunelmensis, ed. Stevenson, J. (Durham, 1841), p. 135Google Scholar.

140 Lamont, W. D., Ancient and Medieval Sculptured Stones of Islay (Edinburgh and London, 1968), p. 25Google Scholar, and The Early History of Islay (Dundee, 1966), p. 20Google Scholar.

141 Janauschek, , Originum Cisterciensium, pp. 101, 224Google Scholar; Scott, , “Saddell Abbey,” p. 117Google Scholar; Atlas De l'Ordre Cistercien, p. iv; Talbot, H., The Cistercian Abbeys of Scotland (London, 1939), p. 36Google Scholar.

142 This connection was established by Brown, , “Cistercian Abbey of Saddell,” pp. 130–31Google Scholar.

143 On Mellifont see Conway, C., The Story of Mellifont (Dublin, 1958)Google Scholar, and Watt, , Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland, p. 25Google Scholar.

144 There is a considerable literature on this subject in general. See Lawrence, , Medieval Monasticism, pp. 6975Google Scholar; Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders, ch. 10; Wood, S., English Monasteries and Their Patrons in the Thirteenth Century (Oxford, 1955)Google Scholar; and Bouchard, , Sword, Miter, and Cloister, pp. 231–32Google Scholar. Wardrop, J., Fountains Abbey and its Benefactors 1132–1300 (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1987)Google Scholar, provides a detailed study of the relations between a monastery and its benefactors. Though now somewhat dated, Coulton, G. G., Five Centuries of Religion (Cambridge, 19231936)Google Scholar, 3: ch. 3–5, has much of value on this topic. Southern, R. W., Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages (Harmondsworth, 1970), ch. 6Google Scholar, remains the best work on the social significance of the religious orders.

145 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 10Google Scholar; Oram, , “A Family Business?,” p. 115Google Scholar.

146 See Southern, Western Society and the Church, ch. 6.

147 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 10Google Scholar.

148 Southern, R. W., The Making of the Middle Ages (New Haven and London, 1953), pp. 160–69Google Scholar, provides a fine discussion of contemporary expectations for monastic establishments. Such expectations are demonstrated by Gerald of Wales, who, describing the claswyr, Welsh secular canons at St. David's, took great pains to stress that they were absque ordine et regula: Cambrensis, Giraldus, Opera, ed. Brewer, J. S., et al (Rolls Series, London, 18611891), 3: 153–54Google Scholar.

149 Vita Ailredi, p. 45.

150 Southern, , Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, p. 244Google Scholar.

151 Oram, , “Whithorn and York,” pp. 8384Google Scholar.

152 Brooke, C., “Princes and Kings as Patrons of Monasteries,” in Il Monachesimo e la Riforma Ecclesiastica (1049–1122), Settimana Internationale di studio, 4th, Passo della Mendola, 1968Google Scholar, Miscellanea Del Centro Di Studi Medioevali VI (Milan, 1971), pp. 125–44Google Scholar, quotation at 131–32.

153 Brooke, , Fergus, p. 9Google Scholar.

154 See Anson, P. F., A Monastery in Moray: The Story of Pluscarden Priory 1230–1948 (London, 1959), p. 6Google Scholar.

155 Duncan, , Scotland, p. 182Google ScholarPubMed; Oram, , “A Family Business?,” pp. 117–24Google Scholar presents a different view.

156 Ragg, F. W., “Five Strathclyde and Galloway Charters—four concerning Cardew, and one the Westmorland Newbigging,” Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian and Archaeological Society n.s. 17 (1917): 218–19Google Scholar.

157 Liber Cartarum S. Crucis, ed. Innes, , p. 19Google Scholar.

159 Cowan, and Easson, , MRHS, pp. 91, 74, 147, 145, 146, 148Google Scholar. These monastic foundations would repay closer study.

160 Duncan, , Scotland, p. 151Google ScholarPubMed.

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162 Davies, R. R., Domination and Conquest. The experience of Ireland, Scotland and Wales 1100–1300 (The Wiles Lectures, 1988. Cambridge, 1990)Google Scholar.

163 E.g. Barrow, Kingship and Unity, ch. 6.

164 E.g. Oram, “A Family Business?”; R. A. McDonald, “Matrimonial Politics and Core-Periphery Interactions in Twelfth- and early Thirteenth-Century Scotland,” Journal of Medieval History, forthcoming.

165 Hudson, , “Gaelic Princes and Gregorian Reform,” in Crossed Paths, p. 77Google Scholar.

166 Bartlett, , Making of Europe, passim; pp. 255–60Google Scholar on the role of the religious orders.